Headquarters, Army of the Potomac,
Camp near Harrison's Landing, Va.,
July 7, 1862.
Mr. President:
You have been fully informed that [the] rebel army
is in [our] front, with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our
positions or reducing us by blocking our river communications. I cannot
but regard our condition as critical, and I earnestly desire, in view of
possible contingencies, to lay before your excellency, for your private
consideration, my general views concerning the existing state of the
rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of this
army or strictly come within the scope of my official duties. These
views amount to convictions, and are deeply impressed upon my mind and
heart. Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the cause of free
institutions and self-government. The Constitution and the Union must
be preserved, whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood. If
secession is successful other dissolutions are clearly to be seen in the
future. Let neither military disaster, political faction, nor foreign
war shake your settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of the laws
of the United States upon the people of every state.
The time has come when the government must determine upon a civil
and military policy covering the whole ground of our national trouble.
The responsibility of determining, declaring, and supporting such
civil and military policy, and of directing the whole course of national
affairs in regard to the rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised
by you, or our cause will be lost. The Constitution gives you power
sufficient even for the present terrible exigency.
This rebellion has assumed the character of war; as such it should
be regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest principles
known to Christian civilization. It should not be a war looking to the
subjugation of the people of any State in any event. It should not be
at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political
organization. Neither confiscation of property, political executions
of persons, territorial organization of States, or forcible abolition
of slavery should be contemplated for a moment. In prosecuting the war
all private property and unarmed persons should be strictly protected,
subject only to the necessity of military operations. All private
property taken for military use should be paid or receipted for; pillage
and waste should be treated as high crimes; all unnecessary trespass
sternly prohibited, and offensive demeanor by the military towards
citizens promptly rebuked. Military arrests should not be tolerated,
except in places where active hostilities exist, and oaths not required
by enactments constitutionally made should be neither demanded nor
received. Military government should be confined to the preservation
of public order and the protection of political rights. Military power
should not be allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude,
either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except
for repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slave contraband under the
act of Congress, seeking military protection, should receive it. The
right of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own service
claims to slave labor should be asserted, and the right of the owner
to compensation therefor should be recognized.
This principle might be extended, upon grounds of military necessity
and security, to all the slaves within a particular State, thus working
manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia
also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure
is only a question of time.
A system of policy thus constitutional and conservative, and pervaded
by the influences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the
support of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress the rebel
masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it
would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty.
Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our struggle
shall be made known and approved, the effort to obtain requisite forces
will be almost hopeless. A declaration of radical views, especially
upon slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present armies. The policy
of the government must be supported by concentration of military power.
The national forces should not be dispersed in expeditions, posts of
occupation, and numerous armies, but should be mainly collected into
masses and brought to bear upon the armies of the Confederate States.
Those armies thoroughly defeated, the political structure which they
support would soon cease to exist.
In carrying out any system of policy which you may form you will
require a commander-in-chief of the army, one who possesses your
confidence, understands your views and who is competent to execute
your orders by directing the military forces of the nation to the
accomplishment of the objects by you proposed. I do not ask that
place for myself. I am willing to serve you in such position as you
may assign me, and I will do as faithfully as ever subordinate served
superior.
I may be on the brink of eternity; and as I hope forgiveness from my
Master, I have written this letter with sincerity towards you and from
love of my country.
Very respectfully,
your obedient servant,
Geo. B. McClellan,
Maj.-Gen. Commanding.